Is China Set to Expand Footprint in Canada’s Oil Sands?

Is China Set to Expand Footprint in Canada’s Oil Sands?

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News Analysis

Ottawa has set its sights on deepening ties with Beijing, including on energy cooperation, but to what extent will this occur and what implications will it have for Canada’s oil sector?

For now, the federal minister in charge of the file won’t say whether this could mean relaxing the rules governing Chinese state ownership of strategic sectors of Canada’s economy.

This could signal a departure from the Harper years, when the government approved a high-stakes takeover of a major oil sands company by a Chinese state-owned enterprise, then significantly changed security review rules to make similar acquisitions much more difficult in the future.

Ottawa’s willingness to let Beijing take over prime assets has ebbed and flowed under previous governments of different parties. The current government, led by Prime Minister Mark Carney, has so far taken a different approach than its predecessor on key international issues, including China.

Ottawa’s relationship with Beijing was strained during Prime Minister Justin Trudeau’s latter years and Carney has sought to deepen ties, culminating in mid-January with a visit to China. Several memorandums of understanding (MOU) between Ottawa and Beijing were signed at the time, including one on energy cooperation that addressed “conventional energy such as oil and gas resource development.”

After Carney called China the “biggest security threat” facing Canada during the 2025 election, and now speaks of a “new strategic partnership” with the country, Energy Minister Tim Hodgson was asked by reporters last week whether his government intends to facilitate Chinese investments in Canadian energy.

“There’s a difference between an investment and a majority investment,” Hodgson told CTV News. “We'll look at each particular situation and decide whether it’s a net benefit for Canada.”

The term “net benefit” comes from the Investment Canada Act, which allows cabinet to review foreign takeovers to determine whether a transaction does more good than harm to Canadian interests.

Chinese Footprint

Several Chinese state-owned companies have assets in Canadian oil and gas. The companies spent more than $100 billion to acquire Canadian energy assets from the late 2000s to early 2010s.
Sinopec, one of the world’s largest companies by revenue, owns a 9 percent stake in Syncrude, an oil sands joint venture with a capacity of 350,000 barrels a day. Sinopec has other oil and gas interests in Alberta and British Columbia.

The China National Offshore Oil Corporation (CNOOC) also has a 7 percent stake in Syncrude, but the company is better known for its takeover of Nexen.

Ottawa approved CNOOC’s $15.1 billion acquisition of Nexen in late 2012, a massive takeover for a Chinese state-owned enterprise. The Harper government had reviewed the transaction under the Investment Canada Act and determined it was likely a “net benefit” for Canada.

The decision was controversial, even within the Conservative caucus, as MPs voiced concerns about Chinese state ownership and Beijing’s human rights record.

After Ottawa approved the Nexen deal, Harper said the decision was not the start of a trend, but rather “the end of a trend.”

He declared that foreign state control of the oil sands has “reached the point where any further such control would no longer be a net benefit to Canada.” Therefore, future attempts by foreign state-owned enterprises to acquire control of a Canadian oil sands business would only be considered a “net benefit” under an “exceptional circumstance,” Harper said.

Harper also said from that point on, his government would apply greater scrutiny under the Investment Canada Act to other proposed acquisitions by foreign state-owned companies.

Before the Nexen deal, Ottawa had approved PetroChina taking control of the MacKay River Project west of Fort McMurray, becoming the first Chinese state-owned company to fully own an oil sands project in Canada. PetroChina bought out Athabasca Oil Sands Corp’s MacKay’s minority stake in 2012 for approximately $680 million.

PetroChina also bought a non-controlling 49.9 percent stake in Encana in late 2012 for $2.18 billion to develop the Duvernay gas project. PetroChina is involved in the nascent business of exporting Canadian liquified natural gas (LNG) as well.

LNG Canada in Kitimat, B.C., became the first operational LNG export facility in Canada last summer, and PetroChina owns a 15 percent stake in the project.

The Carney government has said it wants to further develop Canada’s potential for LNG exports, including by referring Phase 2 of LNG Canada to the Major Projects Office. The office was created by the Carney government last year in a bid to speed up or help finance projects deemed to be in the national interest.

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A Nexen oil sands facility near Fort McMurray, Alta, on July 10, 2012. The company has since been bought by China's state-owned CNOOC. The Canadian Press/Jeff McIntosh
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China’s Thirst for Hydrocarbons

Canada and China’s intent to increase cooperation on oil and gas comes at a time when the two countries are being impacted by U.S. policies.

Carney has expressed intentions to double Canada’s non-U.S. exports over the next decade amid rising protectionism from its southern neighbour. Meanwhile, Beijing’s hydrocarbon supply is being affected by geopolitical moves made by Washington.

A sizeable portion of China’s oil imports have been coming from Russia, Iran, and Venezuela, three countries facing oil sanctions from the United States and other Western countries.

The U.S. capture of Venezuelan Leader Nicolas Maduro in early January, and the U.S. attempted takeover of the country’s oil industry, dealt a blow to Chinese interests in Venezuela. Shipments of Venezuelan oil to China began falling sharply in mid-December after the Trump administration imposed a blockade on sanctioned ships.

As a potential impact, Chinese independent refiner Chambroad Petrochemical has bought a cargo of Canadian crude for a delivery in May, Reuters reported in early February. Chambroad was one of the main buyers of Venezuela crude.

Amid a tense geopolitical context and lower oil prices in 2025, China imported a record amount of oil last year. The Center on Global Energy Policy, a Columbia University think tank, says it expects the trend to continue in 2026.

China’s search for stability could mean looking closer at what Canada can offer. This was certainly discussed when Carney and a large Canadian delegation visited China in mid-January.

A joint statement from Carney and Chinese Leader Xi Jinping issued after their meeting said the two sides “concurred to support exchanges and cooperation in clean energy, and strengthen cooperation in conventional energy such as oil and gas resource development.”

This was accompanied by an MOU on energy cooperation which specifies that exchanges should be strengthened in resources development and trade, to include oil, LNG, and liquified petroleum gas.
The Trump administration reacted negatively to Carney’s trip in China and the deals discussed, saying Canada would end up losing by getting closer to China. “Canada is systematically destroying itself,” Trump said on Jan. 25.

In light of Trump’s moves in Venezuela, and his national security strategy aiming to remove China’s influence in the Western Hemisphere, it is likely that any further venture by Beijing in Canada’s oil patch would be scrutinized by the White House.

Meanwhile, China potentially views increased cooperation with Canada on oil and gas as a wedge against the United States.

Security Concerns

The prospect of new investments by Chinese state-owned enterprises in Canadian energy may also trigger some alarm bells within domestic security agencies.

The Canadian Security Intelligence Service (CSIS) has systematically warned in its annual public reports about the potential risks of foreign states making key investments in Canada.

“While the vast majority of foreign investment in Canada is carried out in an open and transparent manner, certain state-owned enterprises (SOEs) and private firms with close ties to their home governments have pursued opaque agendas or received clandestine intelligence support for their pursuits here,” CSIS said in its 2010-2011 public report. The report had been tabled in late 2012, a few weeks before Ottawa approved the Nexen takeover by CNOOC.

The spy agency, while not singling out any country in its warning, said foreign companies tied to hostile governments acquiring control over strategic sectors of Canada’s economy “can represent a threat” to Canadian interests. CSIS added it expected this issue would remain a concern in the following years.

Annual reports in following years also honed in on the foreign investment issue, tackled under the themes of “espionage” or “economic security.”

The most recent CSIS annual report for 2024 does not specifically mention the issue of foreign state-backed investments, but it warns about foreign interference undermining Canadian supply chains and international trading relations. It says that the natural resources sector has been particularly targeted due to its strategic relevance.

All Chinese companies are required under the national security law to help the state in intelligence collection. State-owned enterprises are not solely geared toward profit-making; they also incorporate Chinese Communist Party entities that can influence decision-making.

Ottawa has so far brushed aside concerns about increased engagement with Beijing amid security concerns.

“When it comes to our relationship with China, it’s always eyes wide open,” Industry Minister Mélanie Joly told reporters on Feb. 10. Joly had been asked about the 20-year prison sentence handed to pro-democracy advocate Jimmy Lai in Hong Kong and Ottawa’s recent deal with Beijing to bring in 49,000 Chinese electric vehicles (EVs) with a reduced tariff rate.

Carney slashed the 100 percent tariff on the quota of EVs to 6.1 percent at the end of his China trip. In exchange, Ottawa said Beijing would remove or reduce some of its tariffs on Canadian agricultural and seafood products until at least the end of this year.

Foreign Investment Dilemmas

Along with allowing nearly 50,000 Chinese EVs in Canada, half the size of the Canadian market for battery vehicles, Ottawa is also seeking to attract Chinese investments for joint ventures in EV manufacturing. Given the political will, such potential investments would likely be cleared by cabinet.

In that sense, Carney is likely not going to face his first major foreign investment dilemma on that issue. His predecessors faced the test multiple times and took varying approaches.

Justin Trudeau had advocated in favour of Nexen’s takeover by CNOOC while vying for the leadership of the Liberal Party in 2012. He wrote in an op-ed in Postmedia News the deal would raise Canadians’ standard of living and would help deepen ties with China. He also dismissed any national security concerns.

Trudeau later found himself confronted with a dilemma related to Chinese takeover attempts after he became prime minister.

His government approved the sale of satellite firm Norsat International to Chinese Hytera Communications in June 2017. A year later, the Liberal cabinet blocked the sale of construction giant Aecon to a Chinese state-owned company on national security grounds.

Trudeau had worked on building closer ties with Beijing but those efforts came to a halt after Canada executed a U.S. extradition warrant for Huawei executive Meng Wanzhou in late 2018. Beijing in apparent retaliation detained Canadians Michael Kovrig and Michael Spavor for more than 1,000 days.

Amid the tense relationship, and under pressure from the United States, Ottawa conducted a review of the involvement of Chinese telecom giants like Huawei in Canada’s telecommunications infrastructure. Trailing its allies in the Five Eyes intelligence group—which includes Australia, New Zealand, the United Kingdom, and the United States—Ottawa announced in May 2022 Huawei would be banned from the 5G network.
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The Liberal government introduced Bill C-34 later that year to modernize the Investment Canada Act to grant additional powers to the federal government to review foreign investments. The bill became law in March 2024.
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