China Purges Top Stealth Fighter Designer as Defense Industry Crackdown Continues

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The removal of a leading Chinese stealth fighter designer from an elite academic body is the latest sign of a sweeping purge inside China’s powerful defense industry—one that has now ensnared top executives across all major state-owned military firms.

Yang Wei, the chief designer of China’s J-20 stealth fighter and a former vice president of the state-owned Aviation Industry Corporation of China (AVIC), has been quietly stripped of his membership in the Chinese Academy of Sciences (CAS), according to a recent update to the academy’s official website.

Yet at least 10 academicians with military industry backgrounds have been removed in the past three years, most from the CAE. The group includes senior figures in nuclear engineering, missile guidance, radar systems, and military logistics.

Yang, often dubbed the “father of the J-20,” was elected to the academy in 2017 and played a central role in the development of both the J-10 and J-20 fighter jets. His profile, along with that of AVIC President Hao Zhaoping, was also removed in January 2025 from the company’s leadership page, according to Chinese state-controlled online media Sina Finance.

Analysts say the delayed removal of his academic title may reflect the outcome of a prolonged internal investigation.

Shen Ming-shih, a research fellow at Taiwan’s Institute for National Defense and Security Research, told The Epoch Times that Yang had been removed from his post about a year ago, and that stripping his academician status likely followed confirmation of wrongdoing.

One possible line of inquiry, Shen said, is whether China’s fifth-generation fighter program was overstated in its capabilities—or whether irregularities occurred in project funding or budget reporting.

Yang’s case appears linked to a broader chain of investigations within AVIC.

Shen noted that Yang and Tan worked together for more than a decade, raising the possibility of a “cluster case,” in which multiple officials tied to the same projects or institutions are implicated.

These firms span the entirety of China’s military-industrial complex, covering nuclear technology, aerospace, aviation, shipbuilding, weapons manufacturing, and electronics.

The sweep has also reached beyond the defense sector itself. Several officials who previously worked in military industries before moving into Party or regime roles have also been targeted.

Among them are former regional officials and political figures with backgrounds in China’s aerospace sector, suggesting that the campaign is tracing networks of influence that extend well beyond the factory floor.

The widening purge comes amid speculation that concerns over the real-world performance of Chinese-made weapons systems may be a contributing factor.

He cited recent military developments—including U.S. special forces operations in Venezuela and joint U.S.–Israeli strikes involving Iran—as possible triggers for internal reviews. In these scenarios, Chinese-supplied air defense systems appeared to underperform or fail entirely.

Such outcomes could prompt the CCP to reexamine responsibility within the defense sector, potentially accelerating the scope of the purge.

The campaign also reflects mounting pressure on the CCP’s leadership to deliver advanced military capabilities amid intensifying strategic competition with the United States.

However, Shen suggests that the ongoing investigations show deeper structural problems.

“Not only is progress on key weapons systems slower than expected,” Shen said, “but the more they investigate, the more issues they uncover.”