Xi’s Power Tested as 7 Officials Snubbed in CCP Leadership Shuffle

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Oct 25, 2025 - 09:58 Updated: Oct 25, 2025 - 09:49
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Xi’s Power Tested as 7 Officials Snubbed in CCP Leadership Shuffle

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The Chinese Communist Party’s (CCP) Fourth Plenum of the 20th Central Committee concluded in Beijing on Oct. 23, with its closing communiqué offering a glimpse into power struggles within the party’s top ranks.

One of the most striking signs was the quiet sidelining of seven alternate Central Committee members who were passed over for promotion—a rare move in party protocol that may signal their political downfall. The omissions, which include some of Chinese leader Xi Jinping’s longtime allies from the military and his home province of Shaanxi, point to intensifying internal conflict under Xi’s banner of “anti-corruption.”

Expulsions, Promotions, and Missing in Action

According to a communiqué released by the CCP’s state-run Xinhua News Agency on Wednesday, the CCP expelled 14 Central Committee members from the party, including senior military and provincial officials. Those removed include Central Committee members He Weidong, Miao Hua, Tang Renjian, Jin Xiangjun, He Hongjun, Wang Xiubin, Lin Xiangyang, Qin Shutong, Yuan Huazhi, and Wang Chunning, as well as four alternates—Li Shisong, Yang Fasen, Zhu Zhisong, and Zhang Fengzhong.
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At the same time, 11 alternate members were elevated to full membership. However, careful comparison with the official roster reveals that seven alternates who ranked next in line were quietly passed over. In the Party’s tradition, such omissions typically mean that those individuals have fallen under investigation or lost political favor.

Signs of Broader Political Purge

The seven skipped-over officials include figures from both the military and civilian sectors, many of them closely connected to Xi or his trusted aides. Their absence from the promotion list suggests that the internal purges that began in China’s Rocket Force have now spread more broadly across the party and armed forces.

Among them is Wang Liyan, a 62-year-old lieutenant general who rose through China’s strategic missile command and once worked in the Central Military Commission’s (CMC) General Office under Zhong Shaojun, a powerful aide to Xi himself. In 2021, Wang was promoted to lieutenant general and appointed commander of the People’s Liberation Army (PLA) Joint Logistics Support Force before moving to the Rocket Force as deputy commander last year. His superior, Commander Wang Houbin, was recently expelled from both the party and the military, fueling speculation that Wang Liyan may also be under investigation.

Wang Kangping, 59, the current commander of the Joint Logistics Support Force, built his career in the Air Force and previously served as deputy commander of the Eastern Theater Command. His former superior, He Weidong, was one of the 14 officials expelled this week, suggesting a potential link in the purge.

In the civilian sphere, Wang Jiayi, vice minister of education, has also disappeared from the political spotlight. A former university president from Ningxia province, Wang climbed through the ranks of the Gansu provincial government and served as propaganda chief and deputy party secretary before his transfer to the Ministry of Education in 2022. Once regarded as a protégé of former Gansu Party Secretary Lin Duo, Wang’s close ties to previous provincial leaders may now be a liability.

Xi’s Inner Circle Under Scrutiny

Perhaps most striking is the omission of Fang Yongxiang, who served until recently as director of the CMC General Office, a position often described as the “military gatekeeper” to Xi. Born in Fujian province, Fang spent decades in the 31st Group Army stationed in the province, part of the so-called “Fujian faction” of military officers who worked alongside Xi during his early political career. Fang’s rapid rise under Xi’s patronage ended abruptly this year when reports surfaced that he had been removed from his post and possibly placed under investigation. His absence during Xi’s recent visits to Tibet and Xinjiang fueled further speculation about his fate.

Another figure from Xi’s home province of Shaanxi, Fang Hongwei, also appears to have fallen from grace. Born in 1966 in the same hometown as Xi and a fellow Tsinghua University graduate, Fang served as party secretary of Xi’an and was considered a member of the “Shaanxi faction” loyal to Xi. Once chairman of Shaanxi Automobile Group, Fang was later appointed as chief of staff to Liu Guozhong, now a vice premier in the State Council. His omission from the Central Committee succession list signals that even Xi’s regional allies are no longer safe.

Shi Yugang, an official from Hunan who once served as deputy director of the State Ethnic Affairs Commission, was another omission. After holding senior posts in Jilin and Yunnan provinces, he was recently transferred to a largely ceremonial position in the Yunnan Provincial People’s Political Consultative Conference, an apparent demotion that often precedes retirement or disciplinary action.

Shi Zhenglu, 62, commander of the Northern Theater Army, rounds out the group of seven. A career soldier who once led rescue operations during the 2008 Sichuan earthquake, Shi rose through the armored divisions of the PLA before taking command of the Northern Theater’s ground forces in 2020. His exclusion suggests that the ongoing military reshuffle has reached deep into regional command structures.

Pattern of Political Cleansing

While the CCP has not explained why these officials were bypassed, outside observers say the pattern is unmistakable. Chinese current affairs commentator Li Linyi told The Epoch Times, “Under CCP norms, anyone skipped over during [Central Committee] replacements has almost certainly run into trouble.”
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The Fourth Plenum’s personnel reshuffle follows a series of purges in China’s military, state-owned enterprises, and local officials. Although Xi’s regime continues to present these removals as part of an anti-corruption campaign, the scale and selectivity of the dismissals suggest a deeper political cleansing. Many of those sidelined were once trusted subordinates or long-time associates of Xi, indicating that the struggle may now be as much about loyalty and control as it is about corruption.
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The omissions have thus raised questions about Xi’s grip on power. Far from consolidating authority, analysts say the latest round of purges reflects growing anxiety within the regime and a deepening crisis of trust between Xi and his own network of loyalists.
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Ning Haizhong contributed to this report.
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