Commentary
In late May, a state-linked Chinese company broke ground on the renovation of a World War II-era airstrip on Woleai, a remote atoll about 400 miles south of Guam. The project is part of Beijing’s Southern Link strategy, which aims to connect Asia to South America through Pacific hubs designed for transit, logistics, and influence projection.
Woleai is part of the state of Yap in the Federated States of Micronesia (FSM), a sovereign Pacific Island nation composed of four states—Yap, Chuuk, Pohnpei, and Kosrae—spread across nearly a million square miles of ocean. Though small in population, its location places it squarely within the
Second Island Chain, a region of immense strategic value to the United States.
Through the
Compact of Free Association (COFA), the United States maintains exclusive military access and strategic denial rights in the FSM, allowing American forces to operate freely while barring foreign powers, such as China, from gaining a military foothold. In return, the United States provides FSM with economic assistance, access to domestic programs, and immigration privileges. This arrangement, renewed in 2024, forms a critical pillar of the U.S. Pacific defense posture, especially as tensions rise with the Chinese Communist Party (CCP).
Testifying before the
House Armed Services Committee in April, John Noh, acting assistant secretary of defense for Indo-Pacific security affairs, warned that China is working to dominate the region and ultimately displace the United States as the world’s leading power. He noted that CCP leader Xi Jinping has directed the People’s Liberation Army to be ready to invade Taiwan by 2027, a timeline that adds urgency to Beijing’s strategic positioning in the Pacific Islands.
Similarly, Navy Adm. Samuel Paparo, commander of the U.S. Indo-Pacific Command, described the current security environment as one shaped by “a
confluence of challenges,” according to the Department of Defense, with the Chinese regime’s aggressive behavior at the forefront. He highlighted the CCP’s rapid military modernization, including artificial intelligence, hypersonic weapons, and space-based capabilities, as posing a serious threat not only to the U.S. homeland but also to allies and partners across the region.
In FSM, the CCP has expanded its political and economic footprint through infrastructure projects such as roads, government buildings, and the renovation of the Woleai airstrip, carried out by China’s state-owned Shandong Hengyue in partnership with FSM’s Department of Transportation.
In May, FSM President Wesley Simina hailed a new China-funded convention
center in Palikir as a symbol of the deepening partnership between the two countries. Funded under Beijing’s Belt and Road Initiative with support from Guangdong Province, the project reflects China’s broader effort to position FSM as a regional hub while promoting cooperation in infrastructure, agriculture, and sustainability. In 2024, Xi pledged nearly $14 million in aid to FSM, and last month, Chinese Ambassador Wu Wei met with regional leaders to further discuss expanding China–FSM relations and subnational collaboration.
These developments align with the CCP’s military-civil fusion doctrine, which embeds dual-use capabilities into civilian infrastructure. Concerns over these tactics are not merely theoretical: in 2023, then-President of FSM
David Panuelo publicly accused the CCP of bribing Micronesian officials and revealed that Chinese operatives had threatened his personal safety.
The CCP’s 2022 security pact with the
Solomon Islands, which opened the door to Chinese police deployments and potential naval access, offers a clear blueprint of what Beijing may intend for other Pacific Island Countries, or PICs. Similar outreach has been documented in Kiribati, Vanuatu, and Papua New Guinea. In January 2024, China further expanded its diplomatic footprint by reestablishing relations with Nauru, which officially
switched its recognition from Taiwan to China. The move marked another victory in Beijing’s campaign to diplomatically isolate Taiwan and extend influence across the Pacific.
In response to growing CCP influence, the United States is stepping up engagement with the FSM and other Pacific Island nations. One key initiative is the expansion of the U.S.–FSM “shiprider” program, which now allows U.S. Coast Guard vessels to operate in FSM’s exclusive economic zone without requiring local law enforcement onboard. This strengthens maritime sovereignty and enhances surveillance capabilities in the region.
As part of a broader effort to reinforce the Second Island Chain and close the strategic gap with China, the United States is revitalizing legacy infrastructure and strengthening regional defenses, such as a proposed $8 billion missile defense shield to
protect Guam and surrounding territories from potential Chinese missile attacks.
On Tinian in the Northern Mariana Islands, the Department of Defense has refurbished North Field, a
World War II airbase once used by B-29 bombers, including the Enola Gay and Bockscar, which launched the atomic strikes on Hiroshima and Nagasaki. Today, North Field serves as a key forward-operating location for U.S. power projection in the Indo-Pacific.
U.S. ally Australia is also taking steps to counter the CCP’s regional influence. The Port of Darwin, originally leased to China’s Landbridge Group in 2015 under a 99-year agreement, has become a focal point of strategic concern. This year, Prime Minister Anthony Albanese’s government signaled a major policy shift by considering the reclamation of the port on
national security grounds, reflecting growing alarm over Chinese control of critical infrastructure.
In a potential boost to the U.S.–Australia alliance, Cerberus Capital Management, a U.S.-based private equity firm, is in talks to acquire the lease from Landbridge Group, according to media reports. While the deal has not yet been finalized, such a move would represent a significant strategic win for both Washington and Canberra. Predictably, Beijing has lashed out, condemning Australia’s possible takeover as questionable and a violation of bilateral trust.
Micronesia, once firmly under U.S. influence, has become a key battleground in the escalating struggle for dominance among Pacific Island nations between Washington and the CCP. The outcome of this contest will help shape the Pacific’s future, and whether, or when, a U.S.–China conflict may occur.
Views expressed in this article are opinions of the author and do not necessarily reflect the views of The Epoch Times.
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Udumbara
