Has China’s Belt and Road Come to a Dead End?

CommentaryNot too long ago, Chinese leader Xi Jinping touted Beijing’s Belt and Road Initiative (BRI) as the “project of the century,” something that would alter the global balance of power and influence. More recently, Beijing brags less about the potential of the BRI and speaks more humbly of reform and retrenchment. The initiative seems to have fallen far short of its original goals as well as the fears it once widely engendered in the West. From its beginning, China’s BRI (also known as “One Belt, One Road”) always had a Mafia-like feel to it. Beijing would approach needy countries in Asia, Africa, Latin America, the Middle East, and the periphery of Europe and offer loans for important infrastructure projects—ports, rail links, dams, roads, and the like. State-owned Chinese banks would arrange the financing, and Chinese contractors would execute the projects and, when complete, manage them. If the host country failed to pay, the projects would come under Chinese ownership. Either way, Beijing gained influence and considerable leverage over the nations that allowed themselves to become involved. Since Xi first rose to power in 2012, China has made over $1 trillion in such loans in some 150 countries, making China the world’s largest official creditor. Now the scheme has run into trouble. The problem is that the projects were chosen for political and diplomatic, not for economic reasons. Many of these efforts were always dubious, and now it is clear that they cannot earn enough to support the loans. In Sri Lanka, for example, even before the COVID-19 pandemic shut down trade, the BRI-built port lacked the traffic to meet the terms of the loan. That loan has gone bad, even if the Chinese state-owned banks involved are not yet ready to make such a declaration. Similar things are occurring across the entire BRI. Pakistan, one of the largest BRI participants, has fallen so far short of its obligations that it has had to turn to the International Monetary Fund (IMF) for relief. The Gwadar port, a major part of the One Belt, One Road initiative in Pakistan, is pictured on Oct. 4, 2017. (Amelie Herenstein/AFP/Getty Images) Economists at the World Bank estimate that now some 60 percent of all BRI loans involve countries in financial distress. Loans in Africa look especially shaky. Even before this latest news of potential default, Chinese bankers had warned Beijing about the financial and economic viability of BRI arrangements. Some of these bankers were so concerned that they insisted Beijing extend to several loans the moniker “policy designated” to make clear that the decision to lend came from Beijing and not the banks’ managements. For a long time, Beijing refused to acknowledge the financial trouble. Officials pressured bankers to avoid any reference to bad or failed loans. Instead, the banks were encouraged to keep the borrowers afloat by extending the maturity of the loans, which in banking jargon is cynically referred to as “extend and pretend.” Beijing refused to cooperate with Western efforts through the G-20’s Paris Club to renegotiate troubled loans. No doubt China’s leadership wanted to avoid the embarrassing admission that BRI loans had problems, but refusing cooperation would also have put repayment to China ahead of others should failure become unavoidable. But now that China’s state-owned banks are facing massive defaults from domestic property developers—such as Evergrande, as well as on their BRI loans—pressures have become too great for China to stand alone, much less to keep matters quiet. In the past, when China’s economy was growing by leaps and bounds, Beijing might have been able to cover for the defaults with its own resources, but that is no longer the case either. Accordingly, Beijing has become much more open to talks on debt restructuring. Negotiations have already started between China and Chad, Ethiopia, and Zambia. Indeed, the Chinese authorities have joined with international groups, such as the Paris Club, to work out what is called a “common framework” to deal with these sovereign loans, whether part of the BRI or not. Xi has certainly changed his rhetoric. He now describes the BRI as “increasingly complex” and in need of stronger risk controls as well as cooperation. Quite a comedown. Beijing’s BRI is not going away, but in what is a relatively short time, it has lost much of its force. New risk controls will make it a lot less appealing to potential host countries. China has had a major setback in prestige and certainly financially. The initiative can no longer be called the “project of the century.” There is another lesson here for Beijing and any other ambitious government. Political goals, even power, cannot indefinitely ignore the laws of economics. If projects cannot pay, the burden will fall elsewhere. This is also the lesson of the failure of Beijing’s decades-long push for property development. Given the past record, it is doubtful that China’s leaders

Has China’s Belt and Road Come to a Dead End?

Commentary

Not too long ago, Chinese leader Xi Jinping touted Beijing’s Belt and Road Initiative (BRI) as the “project of the century,” something that would alter the global balance of power and influence. More recently, Beijing brags less about the potential of the BRI and speaks more humbly of reform and retrenchment. The initiative seems to have fallen far short of its original goals as well as the fears it once widely engendered in the West.

From its beginning, China’s BRI (also known as “One Belt, One Road”) always had a Mafia-like feel to it. Beijing would approach needy countries in Asia, Africa, Latin America, the Middle East, and the periphery of Europe and offer loans for important infrastructure projects—ports, rail links, dams, roads, and the like. State-owned Chinese banks would arrange the financing, and Chinese contractors would execute the projects and, when complete, manage them. If the host country failed to pay, the projects would come under Chinese ownership.

Either way, Beijing gained influence and considerable leverage over the nations that allowed themselves to become involved. Since Xi first rose to power in 2012, China has made over $1 trillion in such loans in some 150 countries, making China the world’s largest official creditor.

Now the scheme has run into trouble. The problem is that the projects were chosen for political and diplomatic, not for economic reasons. Many of these efforts were always dubious, and now it is clear that they cannot earn enough to support the loans.

In Sri Lanka, for example, even before the COVID-19 pandemic shut down trade, the BRI-built port lacked the traffic to meet the terms of the loan. That loan has gone bad, even if the Chinese state-owned banks involved are not yet ready to make such a declaration.

Similar things are occurring across the entire BRI. Pakistan, one of the largest BRI participants, has fallen so far short of its obligations that it has had to turn to the International Monetary Fund (IMF) for relief.

Epoch Times Photo
The Gwadar port, a major part of the One Belt, One Road initiative in Pakistan, is pictured on Oct. 4, 2017. (Amelie Herenstein/AFP/Getty Images)

Economists at the World Bank estimate that now some 60 percent of all BRI loans involve countries in financial distress. Loans in Africa look especially shaky. Even before this latest news of potential default, Chinese bankers had warned Beijing about the financial and economic viability of BRI arrangements. Some of these bankers were so concerned that they insisted Beijing extend to several loans the moniker “policy designated” to make clear that the decision to lend came from Beijing and not the banks’ managements.

For a long time, Beijing refused to acknowledge the financial trouble. Officials pressured bankers to avoid any reference to bad or failed loans. Instead, the banks were encouraged to keep the borrowers afloat by extending the maturity of the loans, which in banking jargon is cynically referred to as “extend and pretend.”

Beijing refused to cooperate with Western efforts through the G-20’s Paris Club to renegotiate troubled loans. No doubt China’s leadership wanted to avoid the embarrassing admission that BRI loans had problems, but refusing cooperation would also have put repayment to China ahead of others should failure become unavoidable.

But now that China’s state-owned banks are facing massive defaults from domestic property developers—such as Evergrande, as well as on their BRI loans—pressures have become too great for China to stand alone, much less to keep matters quiet. In the past, when China’s economy was growing by leaps and bounds, Beijing might have been able to cover for the defaults with its own resources, but that is no longer the case either.

Accordingly, Beijing has become much more open to talks on debt restructuring. Negotiations have already started between China and Chad, Ethiopia, and Zambia. Indeed, the Chinese authorities have joined with international groups, such as the Paris Club, to work out what is called a “common framework” to deal with these sovereign loans, whether part of the BRI or not. Xi has certainly changed his rhetoric. He now describes the BRI as “increasingly complex” and in need of stronger risk controls as well as cooperation. Quite a comedown.

Beijing’s BRI is not going away, but in what is a relatively short time, it has lost much of its force. New risk controls will make it a lot less appealing to potential host countries. China has had a major setback in prestige and certainly financially. The initiative can no longer be called the “project of the century.”

There is another lesson here for Beijing and any other ambitious government. Political goals, even power, cannot indefinitely ignore the laws of economics. If projects cannot pay, the burden will fall elsewhere. This is also the lesson of the failure of Beijing’s decades-long push for property development. Given the past record, it is doubtful that China’s leadership or its central planners will take the lesson. After all, Washington, after any number of failures, still cannot seem to learn.

Views expressed in this article are the opinions of the author and do not necessarily reflect the views of The Epoch Times.


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Milton Ezrati is a contributing editor at The National Interest, an affiliate of the Center for the Study of Human Capital at the University at Buffalo (SUNY), and chief economist for Vested, a New York-based communications firm. Before joining Vested, he served as chief market strategist and economist for Lord, Abbett & Co. He also writes frequently for City Journal and blogs regularly for Forbes. His latest book is "Thirty Tomorrows: The Next Three Decades of Globalization, Demographics, and How We Will Live."