Gingrich Calls for Chinese Leaders to Be Held Accountable for Mass Abuses
Leaders of the Chinese Communist Party (CCP) have no scruples about killing to preserve power, said former House Speaker Newt Gingrich as he reflected on the recent death of former Chinese leader Jiang Zemin.For their deliberate policies of repression and violence, Gingrich believes Jiang and other Chinese communist leaders have a lot to answer for. Since the CCP’s founding in the 1920s, “every single leader of that Party has been a totalitarian dictator,” Gingrich, a contributor to The Epoch Times, said in an interview. “None of them have been moderates. None of them have been nice, pleasant people in the sense that we think, and all of them have been prepared to kill people. That’s what it took to stay in power.” Human rights advocates describe Jiang as the architect of one of the largest anti-faith campaigns in modern history in launching the persecution of Falun Gong, a spiritual group consisting of meditative exercises and moral teachings centered on truthfulness, compassion, and tolerance. Perceiving the practice’s surging popularity as a threat to his rule, Jiang ordered an all-out suppression campaign in 1999, subjecting adherents to a range of abuses including torture, harsh labor, imprisonment, and forced organ harvesting. Gingrich, who as House speaker had hosted Jiang in Washington in 1997, considered Jiang a “very good defender of the Chinese Communist government.” But the Party’s nature reveals itself when it comes to any perceived challenge to its rule. “Clearly, the dictatorship reached the conclusion that Falun Gong was a mortal threat because it represented an alternative center of legitimacy,” Gingrich said. “From their perspective, to believe in anything other than the state is a threat to the very survival of the state,” he said, pointing to how other faith groups such as Christians and Tibetan Buddhists have also been persecuted for this reason. “The persecution of Falun Gong, and the intensity of it, is really stunning, and tells you all you need to know about how deeply totalitarian the system is.” Rising Discontent Jiang’s death occurs at a particularly sensitive time as the regime faces widespread dissatisfaction from the Chinese public who’ve had enough of the regime’s draconian COVID-19 policies. The death of a leader has historically given an outlet for those unhappy with the status quo to air grievances. In 1989, mourning for the death of reformist leader Hu Yaobang turned into a mass movement calling for reforms and democracy in Beijing’s Tiananmen Square. The Chinese regime ordered tanks and soldiers to move in to violently crush the protesters. The bloody clampdown, which shocked the Western world, turned out to be the springboard for Jiang’s political rise. The recent anti-lockdown protests in China have evoked more than a faint echo of that period. “These are the first demonstrations I can remember even including Tiananmen Square, where you actually have people calling for the replacement of the dictatorship, and I think that is a significant shift,” Gingrich said, citing the chants of “Chinese Communist Party step down” and “Xi Jinping step down” that emerged in the recent protests. Protesters take part in a rally commemorating victims of China’s zero-COVID policy outside Shinjuku Station in Tokyo, Japan, on Nov. 30, 2022. (Tomohiro Ohsumi/Getty Images) Their calls are hardly a surprise given the persistently weak economy and the “repressive” COVID rules, said Gingrich. The unwritten contract the Chinese people have with the CCP has been that “as long as the economy works, we’ll tolerate the dictatorship,” he said. “Now, the economy is not working.” Gingrich is cautious about how far the Chinese protesters could keep up the momentum, not the least because the regime has the world’s largest surveillance system at its disposal to snuff out any perceived threats. Both the Soviet and Chinese communist leaders have a track record of mass killing. This November marks the anniversary of the “Holodomor” famine that then-Soviet head Joseph Stalin engineered in the 1930s and caused millions of Ukrainians to die under starvation. In China, the regime’s first leader Mao Zedong presided over the Great Leap Forward economic campaign to industrialize China, which led to a three-year famine from 1959 to 1962 that some historians estimate to have resulted in 30 million deaths. “These dictatorships have a deep capacity for dominating with just brute force terror,” said Gingrich. Weakened Regime Even if these protests don’t lead to political change, the sign of weakness from Beijing is hard to miss. Zhao Lijian, the spokesperson for China’s foreign ministry, on Nov. 28 revealed a rare moment of hesitation when a reporter asked whether China would end the zero-COVID policy to appease the protesters. Zhao flipped through notes for about a minute before answering that the reporter’s description of the situation “does not reflect what actually happened.” His answer wa
Leaders of the Chinese Communist Party (CCP) have no scruples about killing to preserve power, said former House Speaker Newt Gingrich as he reflected on the recent death of former Chinese leader Jiang Zemin.
For their deliberate policies of repression and violence, Gingrich believes Jiang and other Chinese communist leaders have a lot to answer for.
Since the CCP’s founding in the 1920s, “every single leader of that Party has been a totalitarian dictator,” Gingrich, a contributor to The Epoch Times, said in an interview.
“None of them have been moderates. None of them have been nice, pleasant people in the sense that we think, and all of them have been prepared to kill people. That’s what it took to stay in power.”
Human rights advocates describe Jiang as the architect of one of the largest anti-faith campaigns in modern history in launching the persecution of Falun Gong, a spiritual group consisting of meditative exercises and moral teachings centered on truthfulness, compassion, and tolerance.
Perceiving the practice’s surging popularity as a threat to his rule, Jiang ordered an all-out suppression campaign in 1999, subjecting adherents to a range of abuses including torture, harsh labor, imprisonment, and forced organ harvesting.
Gingrich, who as House speaker had hosted Jiang in Washington in 1997, considered Jiang a “very good defender of the Chinese Communist government.”
But the Party’s nature reveals itself when it comes to any perceived challenge to its rule.
“Clearly, the dictatorship reached the conclusion that Falun Gong was a mortal threat because it represented an alternative center of legitimacy,” Gingrich said.
“From their perspective, to believe in anything other than the state is a threat to the very survival of the state,” he said, pointing to how other faith groups such as Christians and Tibetan Buddhists have also been persecuted for this reason.
“The persecution of Falun Gong, and the intensity of it, is really stunning, and tells you all you need to know about how deeply totalitarian the system is.”
Rising Discontent
Jiang’s death occurs at a particularly sensitive time as the regime faces widespread dissatisfaction from the Chinese public who’ve had enough of the regime’s draconian COVID-19 policies.
The death of a leader has historically given an outlet for those unhappy with the status quo to air grievances. In 1989, mourning for the death of reformist leader Hu Yaobang turned into a mass movement calling for reforms and democracy in Beijing’s Tiananmen Square. The Chinese regime ordered tanks and soldiers to move in to violently crush the protesters. The bloody clampdown, which shocked the Western world, turned out to be the springboard for Jiang’s political rise.
The recent anti-lockdown protests in China have evoked more than a faint echo of that period.
“These are the first demonstrations I can remember even including Tiananmen Square, where you actually have people calling for the replacement of the dictatorship, and I think that is a significant shift,” Gingrich said, citing the chants of “Chinese Communist Party step down” and “Xi Jinping step down” that emerged in the recent protests.
Their calls are hardly a surprise given the persistently weak economy and the “repressive” COVID rules, said Gingrich.
The unwritten contract the Chinese people have with the CCP has been that “as long as the economy works, we’ll tolerate the dictatorship,” he said.
“Now, the economy is not working.”
Gingrich is cautious about how far the Chinese protesters could keep up the momentum, not the least because the regime has the world’s largest surveillance system at its disposal to snuff out any perceived threats.
Both the Soviet and Chinese communist leaders have a track record of mass killing. This November marks the anniversary of the “Holodomor” famine that then-Soviet head Joseph Stalin engineered in the 1930s and caused millions of Ukrainians to die under starvation.
In China, the regime’s first leader Mao Zedong presided over the Great Leap Forward economic campaign to industrialize China, which led to a three-year famine from 1959 to 1962 that some historians estimate to have resulted in 30 million deaths.
“These dictatorships have a deep capacity for dominating with just brute force terror,” said Gingrich.
Weakened Regime
Even if these protests don’t lead to political change, the sign of weakness from Beijing is hard to miss.
Zhao Lijian, the spokesperson for China’s foreign ministry, on Nov. 28 revealed a rare moment of hesitation when a reporter asked whether China would end the zero-COVID policy to appease the protesters.
Zhao flipped through notes for about a minute before answering that the reporter’s description of the situation “does not reflect what actually happened.” His answer was not included in the official transcript later published.
To Gingrich, it was a sign of how “shaken” a lot of senior Chinese officials were by the scale of the demonstrations and the spontaneity of them, which was sparked by deaths in a Xinjiang apartment fire that many believed that COVID curbs were at least partly to blame.
“Even with all of their efforts and propaganda, and all their efforts at controlling communication, they have not been able to contain it,” Gingrich said, referring to the protests.
This widespread discontent coupled with China’s struggling economy poses a huge challenge for CCP leader Xi Jinping, who just secured his third term in office in October, and could rapidly erode his authority.
Chinese officials appear to have started softening their messaging on COVID. Sun Chunlan, the vice premier, said earlier this week the country is facing “new situations” with the weakening of the Omicron variant and the widespread vaccination. Multiple cities also relaxed some of the virus restrictions after the protests.
“The degree to which everybody who’s currently protesting is at risk of having the dictatorship arrest them, and disappearance is enormous, and it tells you the courage and also the desperation” of the protestors, said Gingrich.
From the United States, Gingrich is disappointed to see a lack of active support for the protesters and condemnation of Beijing’s repression of them.
Whether on the issue of the regime’s persecution of Falun Gong or its COVID restrictions, Gingrich believes Washington has a more aggressive role to play. For one, it should borrow tools deployed during the Cold War, including sanctioning officials, to apply pressure, he said.
“If you believe in human rights, and you believe in the legitimacy of people governing themselves and speaking out and having the right of free speech, there’s a lot to hold the Chinese Communist dictatorship accountable for and there’s a lot to hold their leaders accountable for,” Gingrich added.